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Joseph
Aleksander
Soon
after we arrived in Buchenwald we heard bombing and artillery
fire, and we all hoped that allied forces were coming closer.
The guards asked for volunteers to be sent to a work camp with
better food and living conditions. They had set up a table with
food in front of the barracks to lure out the prisoners. The
group that volunteered was marked out into the forest. We heard
a volley of shots, and we knew that those people were being
murdered. The Germans knew the allied forces were coming closer
and wanted to eliminate as much of the horrible evidence as
possible.
When
there were no more volunteers, they started removing us
forcibly. We realized that we had come too far to be murdered,
especially when liberation was knocking at our doors. Several of
us crawled under the foundation of the barracks and stretched
out in the mud for three days.
May 11,
1945 was the day we first heard and then saw the American army
tanks crushing through the gates of the camp. Some of the guards
resisted and were shot, and some surrendered. Although we were
all skin and bone and barely alive, we were rejoicing that we
were liberated and finally free.
“Muselman” was the expression used in the camps for people like
us. I don’t know why. The name just stuck. My weight was
approximately 100 pounds, down from my normal weight before the
war of 165.
The
liberating servicemen were furious at the German population for
their cruel and sadistic treatment of innocent people. They
gathered Germans from surrounding towns and villages and forced
them to walk around the camp and look at the human misery and
cruelty that their people were responsible for.
The
Germans protested that they knew nothing about it. “Wir
haben doch nicht gewust.” Of course living around the
concentration camp with all the atrocities and smell from the
crematorium, they must have known all about this situation.
The
Americans showered us with good, rich food. Unfortunately
because our stomachs were not used to that, many of us became
very sick with diarrhea and dysentery. Most of us wound up in
hospitals.
I became
very seriously ill with “fleckfeever”—typhus. I was in
the hospital for two weeks, burning up with a very high
temperature. I remember being constantly wrapped in ice-cold
sheets to bring down the fever. After my recovery, I noticed
that many veins were protruding from on my legs and also that my
back was bent out of shape. This bothered me a lot because
before the war, I was involved in several sports, as I belonged
to a Jewish athletic club called the “Macabi” and I had been in
very good shape.
I was
alive but this was tempered with the sad knowledge that my
entire family had been wiped out with the exception, I hoped, of
my older brother who had emigrated to America.
Joe
Aleksander speaks of his experiences at the Museum of Tolerance
Engelina
Billauer
April 15,
2005 marks the 60th anniversary of a very important
day in my life. After three years of misery, hunger, separation
from parents and just plain hell on earth, it was the day of our
liberation.
The day
started in typical fashion as we pulled dead and half-dead
bodies to a place designated by the German SS men. One
difference was that the German men and women, the Hungarian
guards were wearing white armbands, but we did not know what
that meant.
As I
recall, at about 3 PM, we noticed a tank coming through the gate
of the camp (Bergen Belsen). Shortly thereafter, in many
languages, we heard the following announcement: “We are the
British Armed Forces and we are here to liberate you. Many of
us ran to the soldiers and kissed their hands, and then hugged
and kissed each other.
Our
liberators were not prepared for what they found: Piles of dead
and half-dead bodies and many people too sick and weak to even
get on their feet. Hunger and disease were everywhere. The
first thing I did along with my sister and our friends was to
find some water and wash ourselves. Secondly, we moved out of
our typhus-infected barracks and into the empty barracks that
had been vacated by the SS women. They and all the guards were
arrested, and we were thrilled to witness that event.
The
British were somewhat unprepared for what they found and thus
did not have proper food for the survivors. Thus many died
after liberation because their digestive systems were unable to
handle the food they were given. I was fortunate to contract
typhus after liberation and was able to obtain care from some of
the many foreign doctors who had come to treat us. I will be
forever grateful to them and the British army for their efforts.
Rose
Burk
I
arrived at Camp Berghof in 1943, where I worked in a kitchen.
One day, a little girl wanting some food came to the window with
a dish. When I returned with the food, she was gone and instead
I was greeted by a German officer. She slapped me and said,
“Tomorrow you must report to Gracie, the executioner.” As I
waited for Gracie to come sentence me to death by drowning, I
was left to ponder my own mortality.
But as I
painfully waited, I heard Russian planes fly over us. I saw all
the guards running. I felt like the sky had opened up for me. I
was in shock and could not hold back my tears.
Next, we
were walked by SS guards over to Bocborg, as we were welcomed by
people from the UNRAH. Unfortunately, this was not the end of
my nightmare. As I turned down the wrong street, I fell into
the hands of some of the SS guards. They mocked me and
proceeded to beat me, hitting me in the face several times. I
fell to the ground from this savage beating and was knocked
unconscious.
Eventually I found my way back to the UNRAH. I then went to
Coffering and met some Polish survivors who were very kind to me
and turned out to be the family of my future beloved husband,
David.
David
Burk
Unfortunately, David is no longer with us. He was in a number of
camps from 1939 to 1945. While in the camps, David was
responsible for building railroads. When he was liberated, the
first words from his mouth were, “I must go back to Poland to
see if any family is alive.
Unfortunately, to his horror, no one had survived except a
single uncle. David was told by the people in Lodz that if he
wished to live, he would have to leave and never return. David
and his uncle left under cover of darkness to the city of
Coffering where they had family. That is where he met his
beloved wife, Rose. They were married in 1946.
Max
Cukier
My birth
name is Majlech Cukierkopf. I was born in a small town called
Ryki in Poland on January 23, 1918. Ryki was between Warsaw and
Lublin. My family was very Orthodox and consisted of one sister
and three brothers.
When the
war started in 1939, I was already in Warsaw. That day, I wanted
to return to my hometown, Ryki. I didn’t have any transportation
back, and after seeing the bombardment, the panic, the
helplessness in Otwock, I decided to walk the 100 Km. back to
Ryki.
During the
war, I escaped to the divided Russian part of Poland, to a city
called Molczad, where I became a refugee. Just six months later,
we were told all refugees can register to go back to their
hometowns. All of my friends felt there wasn’t any life in the
Soviet Union, and they registered. But I felt I had nothing to
go back to, so I stayed. Everyone boarded the trains in
Brectlitwak, but instead of going back to their cities (the
Russians didn’t want to take them there), they were taken to
Siberia.
I was a
refugee for two years in Molczad. One morning, I heard on the
radio that Germany had attacked the Soviet Union. They offered
me the opportunity to join the Judenrat. I turned it down, but
because of that, I was afraid I would be killed. Eventually, I
traveled to Dvoritz, from which young people working in a quarry
cutting stone were being sent to the front. I escaped to the
forest, because I felt I would be killed. News coming from all
the big cities was that many people were killed there. I was
wounded in the leg in the forest but I didn’t want to go back to
Dvoritz.
I was told
there was a hospital in the forest and that a Dr. Atlas would be
able to remove the bullet. I was taken to him on a wagon. But
Dr. Atlas said he was not a doctor here, but a fighter. After
some persuasion, he operated and removed the bullet. A week
later we went together with other Partisans to attack Dreczyn
and take revenge.
I promised
the people in Dvoritz that I would come back to take them out.
When I returned, the Judenrat threatened to kill me if I rescued
anyone. I was able to take out only one man, Lazer Novitzky.
The night we escaped, everyone was killed in the lager. Had we
stayed over night, we would have been killed too.
I became a
Partisan in Otrat Barba. We organized ourselves to fight and
put mines and do whatever we could to destroy the Germans while
we saved the lives of our own. Eventually we went to another
Pusche and another Otrat where I met my wife, Miriam. We spent
several months in the forest and with the other Partisans blew
up German trains.
As the
Russians advanced, the Germans started escaping through the
forest, and many were caught by our Partisans. There was a lot
of shooting and many people were killed when the liberation was
near. We then found out the Russians had come to liberate us in
1944.
Ruth Fenton
The date
of May 5, 1945 will be forever inscribed in my memory. It is the
day of my liberation from the depths of purgatory.
I had been
in the Auschwitz concentration camp when a group of about 500
women (me among them) were put into locked cattle cars one
dreary, dismal day in the latter part of October, 1944. We
traveled for four days and nights until we arrived in Lenzing,
Austria, at a branch of the notorious Mathhausen concentration
camp.
Though
still in shock and despair, we were amazed to see the beauty of
the snow-capped mountains of the Alps and the lovely wood-carved
cottages. I had just been released from the hospital where I was
in quarantine for infectious diseases due to scarlet fever. This
left me very frail and weak. Because of this, I stayed in the
camp a few days longer. As soon as I was deemed able, I was
assigned to a command digging ditches in a labor camp where
100,000 people from all over Europe, including prisoners of war,
were forced laborers in the factories of Lenzing for the German
Wehrmach.
Winter in
Austria was extremely harsh. The ground was frozen solid. We
worked in rain and snow after marching in ice and snow—sometimes
even barefoot—accompanied by SS men and women and their vicious
attack dogs. We returned to the camp where a watery soup was the
only food awaiting us. Our clothes and shoes were always wet and
we had to wear these same garments the next day, even though
they were still drenched.
The days
and weeks passed in continuous anguish, hopelessness, and
tremendous feelings of despondency. Then rumors came of the
Allied bombardment of some Austrian cities. Spring arrived, but
our lives remained shattered without hope or change—only
uncertainty. The hunger was unbearable. Often we made do eating
leftover potato peelings and coffee grounds.
Then, one
morning in early May 1945, we awakened and were astonished to
find that the SS guards had disappeared during the night. They
were replaced by Hungarian Iron Guards who had been attached to
the SS. For three days we had no food. Rumors flew that the
Guards were planning to poison our water, but they did not have
time to commit this treacherous act.
In the
afternoon of May 5, 1945, the first tank with an American
soldier broke through the gates of Hell. This American GI came
into our camp. I will never forget him and the look in his eyes.
He was about 6’3” with blond, bushy eyebrows. When he saw us, he
immediately crossed himself, tears streaming down his cheeks.
What a
sight we were. Our heads had been shaven, our eyes were sunken
caverns, and our filthy striped uniforms hung on our skin and
bones. He immediately ran to his tank and brought us his own
food rations. The soldiers who followed him did the same.
We could
not be jubilant. We were still in shock—too numb in our hears
with pain and sorrow to feel any emotion, but especially that of
joy. We did not know whether any members of our families had
survived this Holocaust. Unfortunately, it was rare to find any
relative who did manage to live through this.
I will
always remember Mr. Cheve, the American official who took me
with a delegation to Evensee, a branch of the concentration camp
Mauthausen with 30,000 inmates. There we saw mountains of dead
bodies as well as human forms reduced to waking skeletons. At
this camp, a few of us found some of our relatives.
The
American Red Cross did a marvelous job of resettling us into a
former Hitler Jugen Resort. They set up a field hospital and a
kitchen and slowly nurtured us back to life. As we drove in
open trucks through the streets of Lenzing, Austria with the
American GIs, we proudly held the American flag, realizing that
we were free at last!
Rose
Futter
My
Liberation Day
On May 8,
sixty years ago, I was reborn. It was Tuesday, 2 PM and the
concentration camp (in Peterswaldau, Germany) was quiet. No
line-up; no roll call; no obscenities shouted by the SS women
who guarded us; no screams from the tortured girls.
“Am I
dreaming?” I wondered. Fearfully, we walked to the iron gates.
All of a sudden, men from the neighboring concentration camp,
looking like ghosts, called to us, “Open the gates! You are
free! The War is over! The SS left!” One thousand women
turned to stone.
“Is it
true?” we asked one another. I remember lifting my hands to
heaven. “Thank you, Dear G-d,” I said. “I am alive!” I
started running and running. Then it dawned on me: Where am I
going? I had no home, no country, no relatives—only me and my
sister in the whole world.
I looked
around. The sun was shining, the lilacs were blooming, the
birds were chirping, and my heart was breaking. Five years of my
adolescence were robbed from me, and still I had no where to
go. “I’ve triumphed over Hitler,” I thought, “but at what
cost?”
Sam
Goetz
Day of
Liberation
Sunday,
May 6, 1945. My day of liberation; a day that will always live
with me; a day forever etched in my memory. For the first time
in almost three years, I was not awakened by the screams of
either kapo or block leader, my body did not receive any blows,
I did not have to take part in roll call. How did I look this
morning? I really don’t know. I had not seen my face for three
years. There were no mirrors in the concentration camps.
Sunday,
May 6 was a cool morning, although spring was in the air. The
sky was blue, the camp strangely quiet. The SS guards were gone
from the observation towers, replaced by older looking men in
Wehrmacht uniforms. I left Block No. 6 and made my way toward
the main gate. I crossed the dreaded roll call square where a
few people were milling around. The eerie silence of the
square, normally punctuated by SS screams, seemed unnatural.
The camp was still surrounded by barbed wire.
I was
unable to fully comprehend the enormity of this Sunday morning.
My body was weakened and my mind unable to respond positively
to the sudden change in the morning routine. I felt very weak as
I approached the main gate, but I could still walk.
People
gathered around the gate. I was standing very close to it when
an SS man motioned to me and three others to follow him. Too
weak to resist, I left the main gate with three other inmates
and entered a guard house located about fifty yards away from
it. From this guard house, the SS observed the outgoing and
incoming groups of prisoners and harassed prisoners if they were
walking too slowly or if the row of five was uneven. Now
deserted, I entered it to find a desk in the corner facing a
large window overlooking the main road leading into the camp, a
large round clock on the wall, and all kinds of weapons—hand
grenades, pistols, and rifles—scattered on the floor.
The SS man
ordered us to pick up the weapons and place them behind the
guardhouse. We lay the guns down in the grass. I made several
trips in and out of the guardhouse. But suddenly my eyes
registered an unbelievable sight. A tank moved slowly up the
road. Some distance behind it, I saw another tank. The first
tank made a sharp right turn to face the gate of the
concentration camp.
The gate
opened. A figure in an olive brown uniform emerged from the
tank. I glanced at the clock on the wall—it was eleven minutes
past one. As hollow-cheeked figures emerged from the gate and
swept the GI off his feet, I saw a large white star on the
tank. At that moment, I finally became a free man.
For the
first time in six years I was free. Overwhelmed by the events
transpiring around me, I stood in silence, watching the crowds
of emaciated humans surrounding the American GI. They kissed
his hands and touched his uniform, as if touching a saint. Each
of us wanted to make sure that the man was real, that the tank
was real, that this was neither an illusion nor a dream created
by our anxious minds.
Zelda
Gordon
The
Story of My Liberation from the Nazi Death Camps
I
was born in Grodno, Poland. At the time of Hitler’s occupation
of my town I was a teenager and I lived with my mother, Fruma,
and my father, Jacob. My father died from illness two months
before the war broke out. I also had four brothers (Leon,
Daniel, Aaron, and Joshua) and two sisters (Tamara and Deborah)
all of whom were married with children. All of these people
perished in the ovens of Treblinka and Auschwitz.
After
surviving six death camps including Treblinka, Majdanek, Lublin,
Blizin, and Auschwitz, I was put on a train once more. On
January 1, 1945, that train entered Bergen-Belsen. On April 14,
1945, we heard rumors that the guards and the captain of the
camp had run away because the liberating armies were
approaching. We thought that the Germans would probably blow up
our camp with mines to destroy the rest of us. But the English
army approached the camp the very next day, April 15. The
guards were found and rounded up. That day, I witnessed the
German commandant and all the Nazi guards digging three large
graves in which thousands of corpses were buried.
Right
after the liberation, the barracks of Bergen-Belsen were burned.
We were all sprayed with disinfectant, and we slept in the Nazi
soldier quarters. The first thing we had to do was register our
names in survivor books. Of course, I had no place to go.
So we waited to see what the future would hold.
In the
middle of May, two young men came to Bergen-Belsen from Munich,
among others looking for loved ones. To my great surprise, they
were looking for me! They told me that they had survived in
Dachau thanks to a man from Grodno who had taken care of them
while they were together in the camp. After discovering that I
had survived, this man, my cousin Ely Grodziensky, asked these
men to find me and bring me back to Munich if I wanted to come.
They
journey from Bergen-Belsen to Munich was a rough one, and it was
another miracle that I survived. There was no public
transportation because the trains and train stations were bombed
out. They found a food truck driver with whom we caught a ride
part of the way. But as we came closer to Hanover, Germany, the
open truck made a left turn too quickly. There were fifty of us
packed in and no sides to hold us, so everyone fell out of the
truck! Many people had to return to Bergen-Belsen injured, but
I managed to escape unharmed. The two men and I walked the rest
of the way to Hanover, following the train tracks. As we came
closer to the city, we found a coal freight train going to
Munich. We climbed aboard and slept on top of the coal barrels.
It took us four days to get there, but we finally arrived in
Munich, where I met Ely.
Ely and I
never stayed in a displaced persons camp. In Munich we
registered affidavits to go to three places: the United States
(because Ely had a brother who had moved there after the first
World War), Sweden (because Ely had a sister there), and Israel
(where we decided we would go illegally if we had to). We
agreed that we would accept the first affidavit that was
approved. Luckily for us, our registration to go to the U.S.
came first.
Jeffrey
Gradow
Liberation Story
I lived
with my parents and two younger sisters in Mlawa, a town close
to the German border. On September 1, 1939, when I was 14 years
old, the Germans invaded and the occupation began.
Because
the police were looking to arrest my father, the two of us
headed east, ending up in Bialystok where we tried in vain to
bring over the rest of the family. In June 1941, the Germans
attacked the Russians and threw a grenade into the house where
my father and I were staying. My father was killed. I was left
to wander the streets until a neighbor took me in. Soon, I was
forced into a labor camp, where I was required to clean the
streets, cut down trees, and lay the trunks on the highway to
pave the road. There was little food, and I was forced to work
from dawn to dusk.
I decided
to escape into the forest and eventually met up with and joined
a group of Jews and Russians in a camp in the woods. There was a
shortage of guns but because of my skills, I was chosen to use
one. In 1941, the various groups hiding in the forest were
separate and loose entities. Their goal early on was mere
survival. Later, they became more organized and aggressive.
Their mission changed from mere survival to attempting to
disrupt the Germans and their accomplices.
I was sent
out on missions at night, sometimes unable to return to the same
base camp. The base camps were built as follows: They dug out a
hole about 4 to 5 feet deep with shovels, cut down birch trees,
and used the branches as vertical support. Tree trunks were
placed diagonally across the hole. Then they laid leaves and
smaller branches to fill the small holes. The dirt that had been
dug out was placed on the leaves to help keep the hole warmer
during the winter months. My partisan group slept in the hole on
top of some makeshift bunks made of smaller tree branches. About
15 people slept in each bunker. Some of the partisans served as
watch guards while others slept. My group consisted of about 100
to 150 partisans, mostly men, but some women—Jews or former
Russian officers or soldiers.
In 1943,
Russian paratroopers were dropped into these woods in an attempt
to unite the local partisans. We cut telephone lines, fought
with local police, and tried to blow up railroad tracks. In late
1943, my group began receiving supplies from Russian military
planes, including dynamite, guns, and grenades. I participated
in blowing up railroad tracks which derailed a train. I also
participated in bombing local police stations. One of our more
important and successful assignments was securing a bridge the
Allies needed and making sure the Germans didn’t blow it up.
Eventually
we partisans living in the woods between Bialystok and
Berenovitch were absorbed into the Russian army. Fighting with
the Russians, I was injured in a battle near my home and was
hospitalized for 6 months. Upon my release, I was 20 years old.
Returning to my hometown, I discovered that not one of my family
(including extended family) survived. In 1949, I arrived in New
York City, the United States of America.
Sig
Halbreich
Another
transport of sick prisoners arrived toward the end of March
1945. Among them was Otto Kosdaz, a non-Jew from Austria, who
called himself a doctor but, in fact, was only a student. “Sig,
I was told to replace you,” he said, “but you will be my
assistant.”
I didn’t
have any specific duties but I continued my work against the
Germans. The more of us who remained alive, the more difficult
it was for the Germans. I admitted younger prisoners into the
hospital when there weren’t enough beds, crossed people off the
transport lists, and hid young prisoners during the selections
by pushing them from one room to another. Otto knew what I was
doing but ignored it. A problem arose, however, when Otto took
over. He was jealous of the relationships I had with the other
members of the hospital staff. I was warned that he was trying
to get them to write complaints about me. Fortunately, his
attempts failed.
In the
beginning of April, I was called to the main secretary’s office.
“Sig,” he said, “a transport of sick people is leaving tomorrow,
and you have been assigned to be in charge of it.”
This was
it for me: no one from the hospital staff ever went on sick
transports. There was no doubt that those transported were going
to be exterminated. I suspected that Otto had informed one of
the SS doctors that I had been hiding people.
I tried to
get my order switched, but there was nothing that could be done.
The order came from one of the SS doctors. It became clear to me
that if I wanted to live, I would have to jump the train at the
earliest possible opportunity. This was the first time in more
than five years that I seriously contemplated escape.
I took the
afternoon off to prepare for my departure. While I was
discussing my escape with Janek, sirens began to sound. Looking
up, we saw American planes flying overhead—bombs began to drop
from them. Instinctively, Janek and I, along with other
prisoners, ran out of the camp. We ran toward the fields at the
edge of town and mixed with hundreds of civilians who were
fleeing their town. Nearby, the chief of police was running with
his wife and two children, each of them carrying a suitcase.
“Come on,”
he hollered to Janek and me. “You’ll help us carry.”
We were
annoyed at this, but also felt we had to: we were still
prisoners. As soon as the bombing stopped, the planes descended
and started machine-gunning the throngs of townspeople who had
since turned around and were heading back to the city. Luckily,
we were in the center of thousands. Being stopped by the chief
of police had turned out to be a blessing in disguise.
We carried
the suitcases back to his house. Once inside, the wife told us
to sit down. She gave us real coffee and bread. After we ate,
he told us to get ready. “I have to take you back to the camp,”
he said.
“Why do
you do this?” we asked. “Don’t you understand the Americans are
close? They will march in here any day now. Please let us stay
here, and when they arrive, we will testify that you saved our
lives. You will be free—you and your family will have nothing to
worry about.”
“I cannot
do that,” he replied. “I am a German and so long as I am in
uniform, I have to take my orders and obey them.”
“Listen to
them,” begged his wife. “Let them stay here until the Americans
come.”
Sirens
went off again. Immediately, he turned off the lights and began
to change his mind. As soon as the sirens stopped, though, he
reverted to his former position. All of us, including his wife,
begged him to reconsider—she even got down on her knees and
begged him to listen to us, but it was no use.
At about 1
AM, he escorted Janek and me back to the camp. A light drizzle
was falling, but what we saw was more chilling. Fires burned
silently. The towers had been demolished. And the bodies,
thousands upon thousands, lay everywhere.
“Why did
you bring us here?” we demanded.
“I cannot
help it, he answered.
“Well
you’re partly involved here,” I said, “and we don’t want to have
any more to do with you.” We left him standing there and walked
into the camp.
Janek and
I searched among the ruins for two dry beds, which we found in
the corner of one of the hangars. About a dozen men were also
there. We slept silently, deeply.
We awoke
to the sound of sirens and the explosion of bombs; it was 9 AM.
We ran outside and saw American planes dropping bombs on the
city. Those of us who were able ran out of the camp. Passing
the fields, we kept going until we reached the forests above
town. SS men and soldiers were constantly marching through the
area, searching for prisoners. We would have been shot or taken
prisoner and used for their protection. We saw them leading the
prisoners they had caught and overheard that they were being
taken to jail.
For over a
week we hid during the day. At night we went down to the fields
to pick potatoes and squash. By the ninth day, everything
seemed quiet; soldiers had not passed through the area in four
days. We could see the camp and a little town from where we
were. There was no activity there.
We watched
as one of our men went down to the closest village; when he
reached the bottom, he turned around to us and started waving.
All of us went down. The Americans were already occupying the
town of Nordhausen and our camp. This was our first him the war
was unofficially over.
Excerpted
from Sig Halbreich’s book,
Before and
After.
Sigi
Hart
As a
survivor of Auschwitz and Buna Monowitz, I do celebrate my
second birthday on April 15, 1945. That’s the date I was
liberated from the Bergen-Belsen Camp by the British.
At the
Death March that began January 19, 1945, I walked from Auschwitz
to Gleiwitz and then to Dora. At the end of March 1945, the
Germans took us from Dora Nordhausen by train on flat cars on a
death ride. The British and Americans mistook us for Germans
troops and strafed the train with machine guns.
We finally
reached Bergen-Belsen where we spent two weeks without any food
ration.
When the
British troops finally arrived—April 15, 1945—they started to
repatriate us. Since I spoke French (having been interned in
France in many camps) the British transferred me with all the
other French citizens to Paris even though I was a German Jew
born in Berlin.
I was one
of the very lucky people to find my mother alive and well in
Toulouse, France. From my mother I learned that my father had
survived in Rome, Italy. My sister was able to reach America in
1944 after the Americans arrived in Italy, and my brother was
now in Palestine, where I immediately got the British to send me
legally.
George
Herscu
I was born
in Bucharest, Romania, a son of Liza and Jacob Herscu. We moved
from Bucharest to the city of Roma in the province of Molsova.
My father
and his family were very Orthodox Jews. He was a furniture
manufacturer, and the director of a small business bank as well
as the gabay in the synagogue. An only son, I had three
sisters.
Anti-Semitism was always rampant in Romania, but the situation
got worse around 1939 during the pogroms and with the
Nationalist Green Shirt Party (the Legionnaires) coming to power
with their leader Cornelin Costreann. The Romanians fought
alongside the Germans against Russia.
The worst
of it started on June 21, 1931. My father was arrested with up
to 600 other Jews and held hostage in one of the synagogues.
The rest of the family was divided and interned in forced labor
camps. We had to wear the Star of David. We persevered until
August 22, 1944 when we were liberated by the Soviet Army.
After the
liberation, there was no reason to stay in Romania. I went over
the border and became a displaced person in Austria and
Germany. My three sisters immigrated to Israel in 1948 after
the creation of the State of Israel. In 1950, I immigrated to
Australia and married Sheila Bloom, a Jewish girl who was living
there.
I became a
permanent resident of the U.S. in 1996 and run a real estate
development business.
The “1939”
Club has meant a lot to me and for the rest of my life, I will
always support the Club.
Ben
Kamm
The
Final Battles
Toward
the end of the war, with the Germans headed for defeat and the
Russian front nearly liberated, all Polish partisans were
ordered back to Poland to carry on the struggle there. We were
1,200 Polish citizens. . . mostly Jewish. We just walked from
the Ukraine back to Poland.
The
partisans reconstituted themselves into a new group named for
the well-known Polish Communist living in Russia, Wanda
Wasilewska. The group continued to receive airdrops from Russia
including such needs as ammunition, mines, medicines—even
commanders. We also received regular reports from Radio
Moscow. I made a daily habit of listening to the news and
became friendly with the radio operator, who became my steady
girlfriend.
The Wanda
Wasilewska brigade had two objectives: to distribute weapons to
the local population and to get as many people to fight as
possible. Our troops fought the Germans in what sometimes
amounted to full-scale battles. Once such battle took place
shortly before the end of the war. The Germans sent thousands
of soldiers to get rid of us. I listened to the news from
Russia, so we knew they were coming. Having encircled miles of
forest, trapping us, the Nazis launched a fierce attack, using
every weapon at their disposal. But we held firm. Finally,
after sixteen hours of combat, we succeeded in breaking through
the German line and forcing their flight.
A few
months later, Germany surrendered, and the war was over. Across
Europe the Partisans laid down their weapons and went back
home. But for me, there was no home to which I could return.
I am proud
of having fought with three different partisan groups and of my
part in destroying 549 trains which contributed to the defeat of
Germany. But I’m saddened too. I can’t forgive people who
killed innocent babies, innocent women, innocent people. . .
they killed the best of us. And I’m sorry that more or our
Jewish boys and girls did not have the same opportunity to do
what I did.
Excerpted
from the Jewish Partisan Educational Foundation Study Guide.
Fred
Klein
Freedom
is a Glass of Milk
I called
them the Dark Drums of Freedom. The artillery of the Red Army
was very near, and we had stopped going to work in the factory
in town. I was hardly able to work. I weighed some 70 pounds.
One day, an SS man called me to the electrified fence, gave me a
container with the rest of his pudding, and said, “Hitler is
dead.” I didn’t react at all.
The last
roll call was strange. The commander said, “You are being
transferred to a civilian guard. I hope you will not complain
about your treatment.” Next, each of us got a loaf of bread, a
half pound of margarine, two pounds of potatoes, and a big pot
of soup. I devoured everything in eight hours and became very
sick.
The SS
fled, but the watch towers were still manned by German civilians
with armbands and machine guns pointed inward over the
electrified fence. During the night, the civilian guard
disappeared. A prisoner discovered the fence was no longer
electrified. Someone made a hole in it, and the prisoners began
to escape.
I was
barely able to walk. But my cousin Bobby half-dragged me to the
forest where we rested. I was so sick to my stomach that I
thought I would die. In the morning, the Drums of Freedom became
silent, and an eerie silence prevailed. It was May 8—VE Day—but
we did not know it.
Weak and
sick, we slowly started descending toward the town. Not yet used
to freedom, we looked for guards with whips and police dogs.
Supporting Bobby, I wondered, “Could we ask for a glass of
milk? They won’t do anything to us.”
We entered
the outskirts of the town, which was deserted. Suddenly, a young
soldier in a strange uniform appeared—he must have been sixteen
years old. He signaled us to enter a house and take what we
needed. He was a member of the Soviet army. When we hesitated,
he began tearing the clothes off our backs, forcing us to enter
the house. The oven in the kitchen was still hot. Bobby
discovered a whole goose in fat in a jar and went berserk.
Grabbing an attaché case, he began to stuff it in. I went to
the bedroom and lay down fully clothed. I slept for 24 hours.
When I
woke up, I discovered that Bobby had disappeared. The town was
deserted—just a few liberated prisoners searching for food, in
vain. All of the businesses had been looted. I found some
cereal and other prisoners discovered a cow. The Russians did
not pay attention to us, but we had the right diet and a head
start. Most liberated inmates did not make it—they could not
digest regular food anymore.
Mary Kleinhandler
We spent the
whole night in the shelter. I must have drifted off to delirium
again, because the time flew by quickly. The next morning, men
came into the shelter and shouted, “The Germans are gone! We
are liberated! The Americans should be here any minute now!”
An electric
current ran through our bodies. Everyone, save the sick ones,
stood and erupted in jubilation. There was so much crying,
laughing, shouting, embracing. We all went crazy with joy.
Free! Free! Befried! What a scene!
We blinked
furiously as we emerged from the darkness and into the sunlight.
The day was crisp. It was April 28, 1945—the very first day of
our freedom—and I was eager to drink in every last bit of it. We
could still hear shooting; the thunder of exploding bombs
followed us as we marched from the bunkers to the Germans’
dining hall. Still no sign of our liberators. All we knew was
that our persecutors had abandoned the camp.
All the
tables and chairs had been pushed aside to make room for us. A
picture of Adolph Hitler, decorated with red flags and
Swastikas, hung over a small stage at the front of the dining
hall. It didn’t take long for the picture and bunting to come
crashing down. The girls stomped on the picture, smashed the
glass, and tore the Furher’s devilish face to bits. I never
thought I’d live to see the day.
Too sick and
weak to join the festivities, I lay on the floor, beneath a
window. But I took in the scene, recording every precious moment
of it in my memory. At the same time, I was curious about what
was happening outside. And as I kept watch at the window, I saw
the main gate fly open. Suddenly soldiers in khaki uniforms and
helmets with rifles slung low over their shoulders spilled into
the compound. Their faces, half-hidden by their helmets, were
grimy and their uniforms covered with dust. “Americans!” was
the outburst of joy. “The Americans are here.”
Anyone who
could get up ran outside, whooping, laughing, crying to meet our
liberators. All I could do was lift my head to observe the
scene. There was so much rejoicing. The soldiers and the girls
embraced, wept, and shouted all at once. As bighearted as they
were, the Americans had little to offer us, but with tears
streaming down their faces they emptied their pockets and shared
with everyone whatever they had. One soldier distributed
cigarettes, another biscuits. One had a bottle of liquor and
gave everyone near him a swig. I envied those who were strong
enough to participate in the euphoria.
It was the
first time I’d met Americans or witnessed their generosity. One
soldier standing near the window only had some sugar cubes to
offer. At this, my mother sprang up, ran toward him, and put out
her hand. When she returned, she placed a cube of sugar in my
mouth. At this moment, at the taste of the sugar, I started to
weep like never before. Tears streamed from my eyes and rolled
down my neck.
“Why are you
crying now?” My mother asked. “We are free. We are liberated. We
survived. This is not the time to cry!”
But I just
couldn’t stop. The taste of it, the sweetness. I hadn’t savored
so much as a granule in years. It brought a rush of saliva to my
mouth and with it a flood of memories: A lump melting slowly on
my tongue while sipping coffee and milk as I chatted with my
best friend in a café on Piotrkowska Street in Lodz after a
movie. My brother and I conspiratorially sharing our blocks of
chocolate. The luxurious taste of it in my grandmother’s rich
butter cookies and babkas. The scent of baking had so perfumed
her warm kitchen. That sugar cube suddenly crystallized the
level of deprivation we’d all endured. And for what?
As I wept,
the memories just kept flooding in. The cruelty, the filth, the
greed, the starvation, the hatred, the viciousness, the sheer
injustice of it all. No matter what happened now, no matter how
free we were in theory, we would never be free in fact. We had
lived with darkness and danger too long for our souls to return
to the way they had been. How could we, when so much was lost
and corrupted?
And I was
ill. I had the tragic, bittersweet sense that I had survived the
six black years of war and was finally liberated only to lose
this last battle with typhus. “Mama,” I said between sobs, “I’m
so sick. My life is slipping away. I think I’m going to die
now.”
“No,” she
shouted, falling to the ground, hugging and shaking me at the
same time. “You are not going to die. You will live. You will be
reunited with Arthur, and we will all go to America. You will
not die!” By her words and their forcefulness, by her utter
willpower, she interrupted my moribund reverie. She knew that
“Arthur” was the magic word.
“Oh, yes,” I
murmured, pulling my thoughts toward the future and hope. “I
will live to see Arthur.” The vision of his smiling face, his
sincere brown eyes brought me back, gave me the strength to
fight a little longer against the specter of death. I rallied.
David
Klipp
Memories of 1945
My last
camp, Ahlem, was evacuated on Friday, April 6, 1945, leaving
behind in the enclosure inmates unable to be included in the
march to Bergen-Belsen. I was among them.
On
Saturday, April 7, an SS officer arrived at the camp in an open
truck and ordered all 19 of us to climb in. He drove us to the
“Schutzenplatz” in Hanover where the SS housing quarters and
other facilities were located. A gray haired army general stood
at the gate instead of the SS guard who was normally there. Our
SS officer reported that he’d brought 19 prison inmates to be
executed. The general told him, “The army is composed of
soldiers, not executioners.” We were then ordered off the truck
and the SS officer drove off.
All this
happened at the gate and I could hear the exchange very well
despite the shots and other noises coming from the advancing
Allied Forces.
Not far
was a French prisoner of war camp, and they signaled us to come
there. They explained to us that there was a possibility that
German units might return and that we should not wear the
concentration camp uniforms. There was a storage building not
far away where the German uniforms were kept. We were advised to
break in and change our clothes. That we did, and with their
help we hid in the ruins of bombed houses.
The
American tank unit entered Hanover on Wednesday April 11, 1945.
I told the
American officer in the lead tank that we were 19 ex-inmates of
a concentration camp. With the help of a Jewish-American
soldier, we understood each other. He asked me to be the liaison
between the Americans and the prisoners and wrote a note
permitting me to walk around at any time, regardless of the
general prohibition.
In the
meantime, ex-inmates from other camps in the Hanover area
started to come to town. With a few others, we established an
organization to work on behalf of the their interests.
Shortly
afterwards, the British replaced the Americans. They ordered
the German authorities to work with us and to extend to us every
possible help.
Our office
was called “Hauptausschuss Fur Ehemalige Politishche Haftlinge,”
commonly known as the KZ Ausschuss. Numerous ex-inmates from
various camps were given food ration cards and pocket money to
move where ever they wanted and try to find some surviving
relatives. I was a board member until I left for the United
States in April 1950.
This
appeared in the 1990 Yearbook
Sally Korn
The story
of my liberation is a more complicated tale than even I would
have ever anticipated.
I had been
hiding in the woods with a group of about 50 other Jewish
concentration camp escapees and Polish men in eastern Poland
near the city of Bobkra. Our group learned that Bobkra was free
of Germans. The Soviets had passed through on their advance
west. We also heard that some Germans were nearby and that a
convoy was to pass through, which the men in our group decided
to attack. The attack was a success. But staying in the woods
was now too dangerous for us. We believed that we would
overtake Bobkra and thereby liberate ourselves.
Getting to
Bobkra was dangerous. We had to pass Ukranian villages. The
Ukranians had collaborated with the Germans, and they too
despised the Jews. We heard that these villagers suspected there
were Jews and partisans hiding in the woods. We were fearful
that their dogs would detect us and give us away.
At dawn we
arrived in Bobkra, surprised to see the city was abandoned. We
were exhausted, and entered some of the unlocked buildings to
sleep, using our meager bundles for pillows. But some Ukranians
did see us and informed the Germans of our presence.
Later that
morning, explosions from cannon shells hit the part of the city
in which we were hiding. Everyone ran outside. The bombing
involved many city blocks, and we ran from building to building
trying to avoid getting hit. We also heard machine gun fire, as
if we were on the front lines. We were unable to escape the
shooting until we got to the outskirts. From there, we saw a
Soviet battalion and walked toward it, signaling that we were
not enemy combatants. But as we joined the Soviets, a German
plane appeared and began to strafe us. Everyone ran in circles
or fell to the ground for protection. The Soviets shot back, and
eventually the plane left.
We
realized it was not safe there. The Soviets instructed us to
walk eastward, toward Soviet occupied territory. None of us
were familiar with the area, but we walked on a highway that had
woods on either side. Someone heard the rumble of a tank behind
us—it was a German tank. Our group split up, running into the
forest on both sides of the road. As we ran deeper and deeper
into the woods, we heard the tank firing shots at us.
When we
were out of immediate harm’s way, and in fear and frustration,
some of the Jewish girls in my group began breaking off vines
that were covered with berries and eating the fruit. They threw
the broken branches on the ground. It was not until some time
later that I realized this had been our saving grace.
Our group
continued to walk until we stopped on a hilly area that was
sparsely wooded. From there we were able to see a fair distance.
The Polish men became uneasy and planned to leave the area as
soon as they could. One of my companions heard a Pole say that
if we tried to follow them, they would have to shoot us.
We felt
scared and doomed. But fate was on our side. The group that had
escaped to the other side of the highway began to worry about
our whereabouts. When they felt it safe to cross the highway,
they started searching for us. They found the freshly broken
vines and knew they were on the right track. Eventually they
spotted us. Reunited, we continued our journey, encountering
many other dangerous situations. As Jews attempting to escape
our extermination from the Germans, we were caught in the life
and death struggle between them and the partisans.
But a few
days later, we crossed a major highway where hundreds of Soviet
soldiers were crossing in both directions. We could tell from
their equipment that the war in our area was over. We made
contact with the Soviets, pleading with them to let us ride on
their trucks. I decided to go to the city of Lvov, which had
already been liberated by the Soviets.
In spite
of the many hardships and difficulties we experienced on our
road to liberation, fortunately no one in our group was killed
and only a few men were slightly injured.
Dina
and Isaac Kornbaum
My mother
was Dina Fainkind and my father is Isaac Kornbaum. My mother
was in the ghetto of Lodz until nearly the end of the ghetto.
Then she and my grandmother were taken to Auschwitz, where my
grandmother perished in the selection process. Mother was then
transferred to Ravensbruk and then to a women’s camp by the Elba
River.
As the
war was coming to a close, the Germans told my mother and the
other Jewish prisoners not to rejoice because they had wired the
camp with explosives, which they would ignite the next day.
However, early that next morning, when the Germans heard a
report that the Russians were hours from the camp, they ran
away, fearing for their lives.
My mother
and the other Jewish women were left alive. They were liberated
by the Russians. The American army soon followed.
My mother,
who was under five feet, weighed less than 80 pounds, and the
bones of her skeleton were clearly visible under her skin. The
sores from malnutrition on her legs were so deep, they were not
healed a year later, when she met my father. The liberators
brought food to the surviving Jewish prisoners, but
unfortunately some died from overeating. My mother said that
although she was starving, she controlled her eating in order
not to get sick. But her severe malnutrition and the harsh
conditions she endured did require hospitalization in a hospital
supervised by the Americans.
When my
mother was released from the hospital, she returned to Poland
but found no one left from her family. She made her way to a
Kibbutz in the Polish city of Lignitz that was run by the Jewish
Zionists. This was where my father met her, fell in love with
her, and married her.
After the
pogrom in Kielce, my parents stole their way across the border
to Austria and a displaced persons camp on the American side run
by the organization named UNRA. My parents left all of the
documents and even their families’ photos behind, when they
stole across the Polish border illegally. The displaced persons
camp was near Kassel, Germany. I was born on year later. My
parents gained liberty and kept their love, family, Jewish
traditions and religious practices, and democracy.
Submitted
by Brenda Brams, daughter of Dina Fainkind and Isaac Kornbaum.
Paula
Lebovics
The
Boots
The last
German patrol left on January 20, taking with them the remainder
of prisoners. Anyone able to walk was taken away. All the
children in (Kinderblock) block 7 in E-camp, better known
as the Zegeuner-Lager (gypsy camp) in Auschwitz-Birkenau
were left. Right after that, the electric wires around our camp
were knocked out by a bombing.
We were
free. . . .No Germans, no supervision, no electricity, no food!
We’d had no food since the Big March on the 18th of
January. Luckily, I’d found a moldy bread hidden and overlooked
in an empty storeroom.
With my
immediate hunger under control and the remainder of my bread
securely in sight, I began to feel the freezing cold that was
penetrating my body. I was wearing only a light garment, and I’m
not sure whether I had shoes on.
The ground
was covered with snow and where I looked I could see mounds
protruding from flat the flat grounds. It looked like a white
blanket covering the sleeping bodies beneath it—those were the
ones who either never made the Big March or the following Last
Patrol. They were the ones who were murdered or succumbed to
starvation or sickness. I thought of myself as tough and
indifferent to death and suffering. I was this little animal
child, clawing and doing anything and everything to survive. I
was properly trained in these tactics by this time. Still, every
time I looked at a corpse, an knife went through my body as if I
were the one being killed.
I recall
joining the other children in a series of expeditions to find
clothing. We walked through to the next camp, D-Lager, where
again mounds were everywhere. We walked into the barracks
where I knew my brother Herschel lived before the Big March. I
don’t know what I was looking for or what I didn’t want to find.
I saw a body on a lower bunk, and again a stab when right
through my heart, and the sour taste of shoe soles (that sour
spew of my earliest childhood memories) in my mouth. I held my
breath. . . It wasn’t my brother, thank God.
We found
the storeroom. There were mountains of clothes and shoes. I
dressed myself in many layers of clothes. Finally I felt warm
and I thought to myself, “I’ll never be cold again.”
There was a lot of chatting—maybe even laughter—as we looked at
each other and compared our finds. But when it came to finding a
pair of shoes, the story goes like this:
Just
imagine standing in front of a tall mountain of unpaired shoes,
boots, and sandals of every style, color, and size. It wasn’t
this small pile of shoes neatly tied up in pairs of my childhood
memories. This was an overwhelming sight, and its true meaning
I did not connect with or want to connect with until much later.
I dug in
and started grabbing wildly at anything and everything. I
glanced over to see what the other children were coming up
with. I saw one of the girls putting on a pair of BOOTS. A
thought went through my brain: I want and I must have BOOTS
too.
Can you
picture yourself trying on your mother’s shoes when you were a
baby? Well, that’s how it was. I had such little feet, and the
BOOTS I tried on were so big that they came way over my thighs.
I could have fit both of my feet into them. The task became
insurmountable. However, the harder it got, the more determined
I became to find BOOTS.
It was
getting late, and I was scared to go back alone and in the
dark. I found a deep camel-color felt and leather-trimmed
half-BOOT that fit much better than all the others. But I
realized with disappointment after a while that finding the mate
was an impossibility. Frustrated, I started to grab at
anything. I found a white felt and black leather-trimmed
half-BOOT. It was bigger, taller, and a completely different
style. . . . how wonderful. . . I had BOOTS. Little did I
anticipate or care that felt does not keep out the moisture. . .
I had BOOTS.
Looking
back, I can see that they did not succeed completely in breaking
my spirit. . . I was still a CHILD.
Paula
Lebovics was 11 years old when she was liberated from Auschwitz.
Barbara
Lee
The
Will to Survive
With the
invasion of Poland by the Germans, life in Chrzanow, my
hometown, changed greatly. I had hope to have a normal
childhood like that of other children. Instead, I became an
adult over night. I had to learn to fight for survival.
I had been
brought up to love and respect other people. My parents had
also instilled in me the importance of charity and respect for
the poor and sick. My father belonged to the “Hevra Kedusha” of
our community and was dedicated to assisting the dying.
One day,
the Germans ordered us to assemble in the city’s square so that
identification papers could be issued to us. It was just a
pretext to round up Jews and it was then that my father was torn
away from me. I was left crying and feeling helpless. I had
the feeling that I was in hell and devils were dancing around me
dressed in German uniforms.
Desperate,
I pleaded with the Germans to release my father. To no avail.
They were ruthless and without feeling. They took him away
almost like a beast takes away his prey. I kept on begging for
my father’s release to the point of endangering my own life. I
kept asking myself why they are taking my father away. I man
who had harmed no one! A great human being. But my questions
went unanswered.
Suddenly,
I found myself at the age of eleven in charge of my family, my
two younger sisters and my mother. With my father’s deportation,
my mother collapsed and was unable to tend to our needs. Instead
of spending a carefree childhood, playing with friends, going to
school, I had to hid in bunkers and live in constant fear of
being discovered and arrested.
My brother
was the next victim. At the age of 14, he was taken to a slave
labor camp to work in a stone quarry and from there to
concentration camp. After the liberation, I found out that he
died of starvation in camp.
The rest
of my family, mother and sisters, lived in the ghetto in one
room. Every night we were afraid to go to sleep, fearing the
Germans would come to take us away. We would take nightly
refuge in a cellar right under our room. One of us had to stay
back to alert us if the SS were approaching and to cover the
trap door leading to the cellar. More than a cellar, it felt
like a torture chamber without air or light.
One night
they did come. My youngest sister was on vigil that night. We
heard heavy footsteps and brusque commands asking her if anyone
else was in the house. Then we heard silence. She was the third
victim in our immediate family. How can I describe our
feelings—we had to hold our breath, but our hearts were bleeding
and our lips crying without emitting any sound. We felt so
helpless. I wondered to myself how a mother must feel when her
child is torn from her. I could feel my mother’s pain flowing
into my body.
The next
morning, when we came out of our hiding place to get some food,
we heard German-speaking voices coming our way. My mother and I
quickly descended into the cellar leaving my remaining sister to
cover the opening to our hiding place. She hid in a nearby
closet. The Germans searched the house methodically, thrusting
bayonets into furniture and knocking on walls. Soon they found
her and took her along. I can still hear resounding in my ears
her desperate screams: “Mamma! Mamma! I don’t want to go.”
Here we
were, my mother and I, helpless and paralyzed. I was shaken by
fear and anger. I felt as if as if someone had torn flesh from
my body. Conflicting thoughts raced through my mind. Should we
give ourselves up or should we fight for survival in the hope
that one day we could be witnesses to the unspeakable cruelty
perpetrated on children by the so-called “master race.” By this
time, however, we were aware of what would be in store for us
too.
When quiet
returned to the room above, my mother and I tried to lift the
lid that covered our hiding place. We were unable to raise the
lid, no matter how hard we tried. We were resigned to our death
as we lacked oxygen and were getting weaker and weaker. After
many attempts and with superhuman efforts, I was able to push
the lid up, but in the process I knocked over a chair. We were
terrified that the noise would alert our Gentile neighbors who,
in the past, had collaborated with the Germans.
Reassured
that we had not been discovered, and after much effort, my
mother and I were able to leave our hiding place and in the dark
of night, disguised as Poles, we fled.
Trying to
rejoin the rest of our family—grandmother and aunts—we
discovered that they had all been deported to Auschwitz.
My
determination to survive at all cost carried me through the many
years of suffering I had to endure. A determination to survive,
to tell the rest of the world of the atrocities perpetrated by a
so-called “civilized nation.”
Bernard
Lee
A Last
Farewell
Liberation
came to me by the American Army, May 1945 in a concentration
camp near Munich, Germany. Liberation came after six years of
indescribable torture, starvation, and humiliation. As inmates
of various concentration camps, we had to witness the most
horrible atrocities carried out by the Nazi hordes.
And now I
was free again. I thought it was a dream from which I would
have to wake up sooner or later. It took some time to absorb
this new reality. I had to make the adjustment from slavery to
freedom. I felt as if I were born again.
Reality,
however, set in. I started asking myself questions: Where do I
go from here? What does the future have in store for me? How
do I get started to build a new life for myself?
That is
when I starting thinking about my family. When I was taken to a
labor camp, May 1941 by the Germans, I left behind my parents,
four sisters and four brothers. I hoped and was convinced that
some members of the family were alive. I searched for them all
over Europe.
When I
finally grasped the cruel truth that I had lost my entire
family, I asked myself over and over again: Why was I the only
one to survive? Even today, so many years after the actual
event, it is very difficult and painful for me to think that
they went to their deaths believing that I had died. Today, more
than ever, it is painful not to have them around me and share
their love. More than ever do I realize what that family meant
to me.
Beba
Leventhal
On the
Sixtieth Anniversary of the Liberation:
My Day
of Liberation, May 3, 1945
Ordinarily, the Day of Liberation should be a long-awaited day,
a day of great joy. But it was a day that most of us thought we
would not survive to see—this, for reasons you will soon see.
But in
order to understand and to penetrate into our lives, which hung
as if in a spider web, one must first become acquainted with the
place from which we were liberated: Camp Stutthof. This was
the last stop in my wanderings from one camp to another.
Stutthof was a small village on the Baltic shore in Ost
Preisen—East Prussia—still part of Germany some 36
kilometers from Danzig. This was a terrible death camp,
complete with crematorium, also known as the “Auschwitz of the
north.” We were forced to haul bricks from one spot to another
and to dig graves—sometimes thinking they would be our own.
Everything was gray and cold from rain an dirty snow.
This was
the worst camp I had been in, and all of us who had been sent
there were convinced that we would not emerge alive. Some
110,000 prisoners passed through this international camp—people
from 40 different nationalities including Poland, Italy, Norway,
Hungary, Russia, and even China and Mongolia. Mostly, though
they were Jews—over 52,000—coming from the Baltic countries,
Poland, and transfers from Auschwitz. It is believed that some
3,000 survived.
The
Russian front began moving closer to Eastern Germany and Poland,
but we in the camp knew nothing of this. A typhus epidemic was
raging among us, and every morning we would see who had not
gotten up for the “apel”—the roll call formation. Then
the sanitation aides would go into the barracks to carry out the
corpses. The crematorium worked ceaselessly. The transports
being driven or walking there will always appear before my
eyes. Horrible!
It became
clear that the number of prisoners in the camp was growing ever
smaller either due to executions, transfers to other camps, or
death marches. Then, on the morning of April 28, 1945, the
Germans drove us out of the barracks and began to count us. They
formed fairly small groups and dragged us to the Baltic shore.
We were shoved into small boats. Ours was a cement barge. Some
SS men were with us. The boat set sail along with the others. It
was crowded and dirty aboard. There was no food or very little.
The people were sick, some with typhus, others severely
malnourished. There was much activity at sea around us—many
boats were involved. It seemed that the camp was being
evacuated. The skies above were not calm either. Allied
airplanes bombarded the boats and whatever else they could.
I can see
clearly before my eyes the large ship “Kob Arkona” as it passes
us. Male prisoners stand on the top deck in their prison
uniforms and round caps. They’re stout fellows, not starvelings
like us. They appear self-satisfied, and they’re certainly not
Jews. We all wondered were they might have come from. Early
the next morning, as we were circling in the same waters we
suddenly spotted the stern of a ship sticking out of the water.
It was the “Kob Arkona” that had been bombed, and all its
prisoners now lie in a watery grave.
And so we
circled and dragged about for some for or five days in the
Baltic Sea. As to the conditions aboard, one must not speak.
Some of us began drinking sea water, which is dangerous, and
they fell ill. The atmosphere was that of panic. Rumors spread
that an explosive device had been placed aboard and that it
would be set off, drowning us all. Anything was possible among
the Germans. Others said a few Norwegian prisoners had
disconnected the bomb. Still it is difficult to imagine the
panicked state that ruled over us.
Around the
first or second of May, toward late afternoon, we noticed that
we were approaching the shore. Our SS guards lowered a rubber
raft from the boat and some of them departed. We believed we
might be free because the Norwegians told us that the British
and American armies were close by. But it was not so.
The SS men
who had remained brought our boat closer to shore—between 50 and
150 meters. They ordered us to jump into the water, to wade
ashore, and not to turn around or look back. We did so with our
last strength. As we ran or crawled toward the beach, we heard
shooting—the SS were firing at us and some in our group were
killed in the water. But mostly they shot at the captives who
had not managed to jump overboard, those who clung to the rails
or were holding on to the sides of the boat. I looked back and
saw that one of those was my relative—Senitsky—who had a club
foot and was unable to jump. As he realized what was happening,
he shouted at me with his last breath, “Beba, remember the
date!”
We could
not watch this and barely dragged ourselves to the shore, which
was covered with thick growths of tall bushes. Somehow we
managed to crawl among them and hide. There we found Russian
POWs who had made a fire and were cooking a soup from the cows
or sheep they had slaughtered. We saw on Americans or British.
The Russians shared their fatty soup with us, but many were
sickened by it after having starved for so long.
And so we
lay there on the cold, wet ground for a day or two, and no one
came to rescue or liberate us. But on the third of May, British
soldiers appeared in the late afternoon and began to evacuate
us. I didn’t know who they were but we, the remnants of the long
and dangerous voyage, were delighted. The British soldiers took
us to a nearby military hospital in a submarine base in the city
of Neustadt in northern Germany. Some German wounded soldiers
were still in one section.
I couldn’t
believe we had been brought to a large ward with beds and sheets
and blankets. Oh, how long since I’d seen these! But my wonder
and joy were short-lived. German doctors came around to examine
us. I noticed uniforms from the Wehrmacht or the SS under their
medical robes, and I was convinced that they would kill us here
or end us with injections or other means. My mind was working so
much in this vein that I was determined not to allow any
injections or other medical procedures.
That first
night in the hospital was difficult—people were sobbing or
groaning in pain. No one could sleep. At dawn we saw that many
of our friends from the boat were unable to endure and had died
in the night. Oh, what a tragedy on that day of liberation!
And so my
first day of freedom passed in pay and in joy and in wonder.
English
translation by Hershl Hartman.
Jack
Lewin
Thoughts from Before and After Liberation
After
marching endless hours in deep snow in the evacuation from the
K.Z. Trzebinia (a branch of Auschwitz) on January 17, 1945, we
finally reached the field outside the gate of Auschwitz where we
stopped for a rest. Our camp commandant, an SS officer, ordered
100 people who couldn’t keep up with the march to step out.
I was the
first volunteer. Within 10 minutes, there were a hundred more.
As I looked around at our group, I realized I’d made a mistake.
I was surrounded by half-dead, broken bodies, shadows of
creatures from another world. I’m sure they thought the same
when they looked at me. I was overcome by a great fear. Here
we are in Auschwitz, within reach of the gas chambers and the
crematoria, and we—one hundred perfect candidates for
extermination. What do they need us for? I knew right then that
this was the end.
But
suddenly a wonderful change came over me: the great fear that
had struck me when I assessed the appearance of my group of
volunteers left me completely. Instead, a warm feeling of calm
and deliverance came over me. I knew that my whole family was
gone, so it was no more than right for me to join them. And with
these thoughts, I was ready to face the inevitable.
One other
thing helped change my mind. I was terribly tired after the long
march. Every limb ached, especially my feet. My entire body
cried out for a bit of rest. One thought dominated my entire
being: where could I sit down, even for a moment?
I had
already decided that the end was inevitable. I was familiar with
the procedure: shower, gas chamber, cremation. I knew that
before entering the gas chamber, we would no longer be guarded
where we got undressed. While I was undressing, I thought I
would be able to sit on the ground, stretch out my aching legs,
and rest. From that moment on, I could think of nothing else.
In fact, the image of my sitting on the ground like a prince
would not leave me. The thought of rest was transformed into my
only fantasy and made me forget about reality.
As we
know, that end never came about. Our group of 100 half-dead
souls was distributed over several Blocks and the SS guards
left. I and a few others were assigned to the surgical hospital,
Block 28.
Ten days
later, Saturday the 27th of January, 1945 at 3:00 PM,
a detachment of the Soviet Army marched into Auschwitz and
liberated us.
It has
been a long time since that day, and I am constantly tortured by
thoughts about all my closest relatives and friends who did
reach the final end. What were their final hours like? The last
moments before the very end? Those minutes when they realized
where they were headed—what had they thought? Were they
afraid? If so, what did that fear do to them? And perhaps,
perhaps they departed calmly?
At times
when I’m alone, I close my eyes and try to enter their thoughts
during the last moments before the end. Even though I know it’s
impossible, I do it anyway. I want, as much as it may be
possible, to share the final moments with those who were closest
to me.
None of
the survivors will uncover that great secret, no matter how
close they themselves may have come to the same end. I can only
hope that those closest to me were not dominated by fright or
despair but by the wonderful feeling of deliverance and
expectation of reuniting with those who had preceded them on
that final road.
JACK LEWIN.
AUSCHWITZ # b-10237. This was translated from Yiddish by Hershl
Hartman.
Esther
Livingston
In the
beginning of March 1945, I completed a six-week march. We
arrived at a small labor camp near the Baltic Sea where we
joined other concentration camp victims. We stayed in that camp
for a short time.
In the
afternoon of March 9, we were lined up in the courtyard by the
Germans and told to go to the barracks and gather our
belongings. We were marching again because “the goddamn Russians
are very close. The old, weak, and sick were told to stay
behind. Wagons would be sent for them later. (Those wagons never
came, and they were found dead after the liberation.)
We began
to walk at nightfall, marching through the melting snow in a
forest all night long. We had to hold onto each other so we
would not get lost, and when I bent over to eat some snow, a
German hit me over the head with his rifle butt. My head began
to swell immediately.
We arrived
in the city of Chinow that morning and realized that all of the
Ukranian and SS guards were gone. We were put in a barn to
rest, where we met Russian prisoners. They told us to be brave
because the Russian army was near; they had heard the tanks and
machine guns. I fell asleep in the straw, and when I woke up,
the Russian prisoners and the SS guards were gone. The Russians
had been taken away and shot.
We looked
through holes in the wood; we couldn’t see any guards and we
heard tanks nearby, so we went out one by one through loose
planks in the wall. There were no guards and some Russian tanks,
but at the sight of the prisoners, they closed their hatches
immediately. The second or third tank stopped. We later learned
that they had thought they’d come upon an asylum because they
hadn’t heard of the concentration camps.
We
prisoners found a dead cow and jumped on it. I couldn’t get to
the cow because bigger people were in the way. So I found a
piece of bread and was eating it when two men came up to me. The
first pulled out a knife and demanded the bread. “It won’t make
a difference if I live or die,” I said to him. The second man
slapped his companion and asked if he was crazy. “This is a
little girl,” he yelled. “She found the bread so it’s hers.”
They let me keep it. I went back to sleep because there was
nothing else to do. I already knew that my family was dead.
Chaya
Aronowicz, a woman I had walked with, had been looking for me.
Chaya pulled me out of the barn and made me come to an abandoned
house that she, her sister, their daughters, and several other
prisoners were staying in. The Germans had left in such a hurry,
the stove was still hot. We asked three Russian officers to stay
with us because we feared the Germans’ return. The officers
stayed, and as a favor to us, killed a turkey for us to eat. The
two older women cleaned the turkey and made egg-drop soup with
some flour, also using the officers’ share of canned peaches and
pears to make a feast of sorts. While they cooked, I went out to
find more food.
There was
a dairy in the village; I found it and a vodka factory next to
it. Behind the vodka factory, were some Russian soldiers with 10
of the SS officers they’d caught. I recognized the officer who
had hit me with his rifle, and I told the Russian guard. The
soldier gave the German the same injury. He then noticed that I
wasn’t wearing shoes and was bleeding from blisters on my heels.
He took the smallest guard’s shoes and gave them to me. I never
wore them. Shortly thereafter, all 10 German guards were shot.
The
soldiers found the vodka factory and became very drunk. They
began looking for German girls to rape. Next door to her house,
a 16-year-old German girl was thrown out of the window, having
been raped and killed by the Russians. When they couldn’t find
German girls, the Russians began looking for the Jewish girls
they had just liberated.
Elisabeth Mann
I was 19
years old in May of 1945. It had been a year since my family
and I were taken from our home in Hungary and since I had
witnessed the murder of my parents and little brother in
Auschwitz. I was starved and beaten down but I still believed
I’d be saved.
Since the
Germans, at this point, were retreating from the Russians, they
moved us from place to place and we ended up in large open
building on the outskirts of Hamburg, Germany. I hadn’t eaten
even a crust of bread for about two weeks and was ridden with
lice.
I went to
go outside to go to the bathroom. The SS at the door shouted at
me and stopped me from leaving. A lady in a blue uniform with a
Red Cross arm band walked toward us and said “Let her go” and
the SS stepped aside. I ran to tell the others that we were
going to be freed and one woman tried to choke me saying that
“You’re always saying we’re going to be free.”
We were
packed onto cattle cars again, though it was less crowded than
when we were first taken. I, along with 2 German soldiers and
about 80 women survivors were on a train bound for Sweden where
the Red Cross would take charge of us. When we came to Padbourg,
Denmark, the train stopped so we could transfer from the German
train to a Swedish one. As soon as the train stopped, I jumped
off. I knew I was free. There were Danish men and women and
children at the train station who brought milk and cheese and
bread for us.
A woman
came up to me and gave me a bottle of milk but someone stole it
from my hands. I began to cry. The woman told me to wait and
she’d come back with more milk. I didn’t wait. I began to
walk. A man saw me and began to cry. I assume it was because
of my appearance. I was 80 pounds, with a shaved head, and
dressed in a tattered inmate uniform. He gave me money to buy
something. I went into a nearby bakery and asked for milk but
they had none. The woman behind the counter packed a bag full of
bread, gave it to me and smiled. Everyone was very kind.
Outside
the bakery, the woman who went to get me milk came up on her
bicycle and invited me back to her apartment, where she gave me
the best cup of coffee I had ever tasted. She then took me to
the store and bought milk for me and my friends. Then she put
me on her bicycle and ran along side me all the way back to the
train. There were flowers in the windows and Danish women were
waving white handkerchiefs and smiling at me. When we got back
to the station, my train was already gone.
While I
waited for another transport train, a van came by with 2 Danish
Red Cross women. They took me, and two others who had missed the
train, to the hospital where we were examined, disinfected and
bathed. They gave us clean white underwear and dresses and
food. Three Germans shared our ward at the hospital and claimed
to be survivors. I knew from their healthy appearance that they
were lying.
We were
all taken to the Sweden-bound train the next morning. Since we
had already been bathed and deloused, they put the 6 of us in a
separate compartment from the others. The 3 Germans immediately
took three of the seats which left me having to lie down in the
mesh luggage carrier above their heads. They thought I was
sleeping while they went through their case and took out
photographs of themselves in SS uniforms, tore them up and threw
them out the window.
When we
arrived to Sweden, the authorities asked the Germans who they
were. They claimed to be inmates. They then asked me if I knew
who they were. I simply said no. While I knew they were Nazis,
I just couldn’t start my free life by ruining someone else’s. I
was just happy and grateful to be free. I believed G-d should
deal with them.
This was
submitted by Elisabeth’s son, Thomas Mann.
Maurice
(Miodownik) Moore
April
23, 1945
I
escaped the Warsaw Ghetto on June 22nd 1941 and
reached the city of Plonsk. I worked on a farm, was interned in
two labor camps, and resided in Plonsk until its ghetto was
liquidated to Auschwitz on November 10, 1942. After ten days at
Auschwitz, I volunteered to work in a coal mine, Jawishowitz, a
sub-camp of Auschwitz.
After
working as forced labor in this coal mine from November ’42 to
January ’45, I was evacuated to Buchenwald. We marched for many
hours and finally reached the open cattle train that would take
us to Weimar. We embarked on a heavy, snowy day to march to
Buchenwald from Weimar. Having to wait for permission to enter
the camp, we slept on the snow overnight. The following morning,
about half the prisoners were dead. We finally entered the camp
on January 22. I was taken to various sub-camps of Buchenwald,
back and forth, and finally returned to Buchenwald.
On April
10, I was taken by train to an unknown destination. The train
was attacked by American airplanes, and many prisoners were
killed. The remaining prisoners were then removed from the
train. We walked during the night and hid in the daytime in
small forests on the way to Bavaria. On April 21, while
marching on a highway in Bavaria, I volunteered to dig graves
for our fallen brothers. It rained all the next day. We were
exhausted and wet. The large group of prisoners had moved
on—only a few were left behind to do the burials. It became
impossible to continue. There was a farmhouse in the distance.
As I spoke German, I told the guard that we needed rest and
warmth. We went to the farmhouse around midnight. The farm lady
knew who we were. She took our clothes to dry and made us a thin
soup. She told us to eat slowly as our stomachs were not used to
food. We slept on her kitchen floor over night.
The next
day, April 23, we had to find and join the larger group. We
followed the German soldier in charge and found ourselves in
Newburg Vorn Walde. No German soldiers were to be seen. The
houses had out white flags. Our guard disappeared. We realized
that soon we would be liberated.
The
American soldiers came in tanks. They handed out food and candy
bars. Some of the people gobbled the provisions and died
because their bodies could not adjust so quickly to the food.
The Americans brought nurses and doctors. We were assigned a
place to stay for a few weeks within the farming community. I
remained there until July, when I left for Poland to look for my
family.
Mary Natan
My
name is Mary Natan, nee Maniusia Rybowska. I was born in Lodz,
Poland on April 28, 1929, the youngest of five siblings.
In 1939,
at the age of 10, my whole family and I had to move into the
Lodz Ghetto, where I had to work in a dress factory in order to
be eligible to receive a miserly, watery soup. I had no
schooling.
In August
1944, I was deported to Oswiencim, where, because of my age, I
was selected for the oven. But luck was with me. I was saved by
a Hungarian girl who worked there.
I was
reunited with a cousin, but after six weeks, we were deported to
Bergen Belsen, where we lived in tents. Subsequently, we were
sent to a factory where we manufactured parts for planes and
tanks, but because of my age, I was allowed to work in the
kitchen.
In 1945,
we were liberated by the American army. I was one of five
hundred children adopted by Mrs. Lenore Roosevelt and taken to
the States.
ESCAPE
by Zenon
Neumark*
My
liberation came on April 13, 1945, in Vienna, Austria. I had
been living there for several months, masquerading as an Aryan
Pole, working as an electrician in a private firm and renting a
room from a local Austrian family. I had led a fairly normal
life but I had to be constantly on guard: I was an escapee from
a Labor Camp near Vienna (brought there as a prisoner from the
Warsaw Uprising of 1944); my identity papers were false; my boss
was a rabid Nazi and my landlord’s son had recently volunteered
for the Waffen SS.
Beginning
in April 1945, two Russian armies encircled the city and the
fall of the city was only a matter of days. Life in the city
became even more disorganized than it was under bombardments,
and a great number of people, myself included, stopped going to
work; the entire population spent most of its time in shelters.
In the last days of the war, several of the women in our shelter
were feverishly altering Nazi banners, flags that had once been
proudly displayed from the fifth or sixth floor windows of the
building, reaching all the way down to the first floor. The
women now stripped the swastikas and the white circles from the
banners, leaving solid red material that would be hung out to
welcome the victorious Red Army. The switch of political side
seemed to have come rather easily to them…
The
thirteenth day of April was a bright, sunny day. Around
mid-morning, I was gazing idly out of my second-story window
when I saw two Russian soldiers appear in the street below.
Instantly, a feeling of euphoria rose within me. A feeling of
joy and happiness came over me. After almost six long and tragic
years, this was the moment of my liberation from the Nazi yoke!
The war had finally ended. I was free! I had survived!
I turned
from the window, and without a word to my landlords, ran down
the staircase as if the building were on fire. I chased after
the soldiers and embraced and kissed each of them. They stared
at me, astonished and speechless. In my excitement, I neither
identified myself nor told them why I was so happy.
The next
morning, I got up very early determined to find the Russian
headquarters. Despite my lack of any military training, I wanted
to volunteer for service in the Russian Army. Unconcerned that
the war would end in another few weeks; I wanted to do my part.
I packed a lunch in my backpack and, to the surprise of my
hosts, left the house. On my way I stopped every officer I met
and told each the same story: that I was from the Allied country
of Poland, that I was a Jew, that I was hiding in Vienna under a
false name, and that I now wanted to volunteer to fight the
Nazis. And the answer from each one was the same:
“Go to the
headquarters.”
I
started walking in the direction the Russians were coming from.
Then I followed the newly strung telephone lines, noticing that
the bundles of wires thickened, as I got closer to the command
post. Finally, three hours later, I found myself explaining the
purpose of my visit to a junior officer on the outside perimeter
of the Russian Army headquarters. Suspicious about who I was, he
wouldn’t allow me to come close to an officer with any kind of
authority. Instead, and on his own, he determined that the
Soviets did not need me, did not want me, and most importantly,
did not trust me. From the questions this junior officer asked,
he insinuated that because it would have been impossible for a
Jew to survive in Nazi Vienna, much less to have lived in hiding
through most of the war, that therefore I must be a Nazi
collaborator seeking to switch sides now that the war was lost.
“You cannot be a Jew. The Fascists killed all the Jews,” he
stated flatly.
After
examining my Polish documents he concluded, with remarkable
perception, that he couldn’t rely on my documents to establish
my identity, since by my own admission, they were false.
Certainly his suspicion about people switching sides was not
unfounded. Hundreds of thousands of foreign laborers in Germany,
including the 20-plus Russians and Ukrainians who had worked
with me at the electrical firm, made such a switch. They now
wanted to hide their past by volunteering to serve with the Red
Army.
In the
first week following the Russian takeover of Vienna, it was
officially announced that Vienna was now under a new authority,
the “Russian Komandatura.” I went in search of other Jews, to
seek out others who had survived. Although I often thought that
I was the only Jewish survivor in Vienna, some inner voice told
me that I might be wrong. I walked to the place in the First
District where Vienna’s main synagogue had once stood, in the
area of Judengasse and Judenplatz.
When I
reached the site of the synagogue, which was now a pile of
rubble with twisted steel beams sticking out in all directions,
I found at least 20 other Jews roaming around who just like me,
were looking for other Jews. Most were natives of Vienna who had
managed to survive the entire war, some even with the tacit
approval of the authorities. One of them claimed to be a rabbi;
another happened to be from Warsaw. The latter had been captured
during the Warsaw Uprising and brought here the same way I had
been. He was quite a few years older than I, around 40, but we
were drawn to each other, perhaps because of the great
similarity of our experiences. He was Ivo Wesby a former
conductor with the Polish Philharmonic. To the best of my
knowledge, he and I were the only two Polish Jews who survived
the war, at least a part of it, hiding in Nazi Vienna.
When a few
days later the Jewish Kultusgemeide opened its doors, I
registered under my real, original name of Neumark; my number
was 28.
*Excerpted
from “Escape” by Zenon Neumark, to be published in February 2006
by VM London. Copyright VM London 2005. Excerpted with
permission of the publisher.
Isidor
Nussenbaum
Excerpts from my Memoirs
At
dusk on March 9, 1945, an eerie silence fell over Rueben. I was
lying in the barn among those sick and close to death.
Supposedly, all Jews with the exception of those in the death
barn had been evacuated by the SS, and camp security had been
turned over to teenagers and elders of the Volksturm.
The only sound that could be heard in the barn was the muffled
moans that arose from the suffering men in their final hours.
Several
days had passed since the barn inmates had been abandoned to
their fate. Suddenly, the crackling of small arms fire
shattered the stillness of the night. Intermittently, there
were sounds of artillery shells exploding in the distance. Then
the barn door opened. I looked up to see two Russian soldiers
cautiously enter. They advanced carefully with rifles ready and
reconnoitered the barn, searching for the enemy. None was
found. The members of the Volksturm had deserted their
posts in haste and in panic during the night.
A prisoner
who spoke Russian entered the barn unexpectedly and greeted the
soldiers. He had been hiding and had avoided the evacuation. He
told the soldiers that Rueben was a prison camp for Jews. The
Russians then identified themselves as members of an advance
reconnaissance unit. They ordered us to remain in the camp and
await the main body of the Russian troops that were still
fighting the Germans nearby and were advancing toward the camp.
During the
night, the shooting intensified. Sounds of exploding artillery
shells mingled with the rapid fire of shrieking Katuscha shells
and small arms fire. I looked up at the small window on my
right. Streaks of brilliant flames slashed through the night
sky. Once, during a period of silence, I could hear a man
whisper to his neighbor, “Friend, do not overreact. The
excitement can cause a heart attack and kill at our long-awaited
hour of liberation.
At dawn,
March 10, 1945, I heard rumbling noises from a distance. I
remembered that sound from a German newsreel that I’d seen in
September 1939 when the German army moved hundreds of tanks
toward Poland. In time, the rumbling turned into a thunderous
roar that shook the ground.
It took
all the strength and determination I could muster to pull myself
upright and look out the window. In front of me was an awesome
scene. I had waited for this day since my deportation to the
east. The long-awaited liberators had arrived! A Russian army
unit was passing in front of the death barn.
A
seemingly endless column of tanks roared by. Their turrets were
closed, guns pointed forward, as they rolled westward in pursuit
of the retreating enemy. The tanks were painted with strange
letters and symbols. An array of red flags fluttered from some
of them. A few foot soldiers crouched on the tanks. On both
sides of the tanks, the endless column of infantry moved
cautiously along the road with their rifles ready to fire. The
foot soldiers—mostly Asians, Mongolians, and Uzbeks, were
dressed in heavy, quilted uniforms and caps. They were short,
squat and bow-legged.
I slumped
back to the floor, exhausted by the excitement of what I had
seen.
TWO NIGHTS
LATER
I heard my
brother Siegfried, of Blessed Memory, shouting in his limited
Russian, “Ja Niemetzki lwre. Ja Bill Piet Gadu ba
Concentrazia Lager”—I am a German Jew, and I was five years
in a concentration camp.
Suddenly,
out of the darkness came a sharp, frantic command, “Stoi
Tovarichie. Ne Straelie Na Verch!”—Stop comrades. Do not
shoot. Get out! The soldier at my bedside quickly withdrew his
bayonet. After all the soldiers had left the room, the officer
turned to us and spoke in Yiddish. “Ich bin a Yid.”—I am a
Jew. I’m a Red Army officer and these soldiers are under my
command. We are searching for German army stragglers that may
be hiding. Kinder (children) sleep well.
In the
morning, the officer returned with a Siddur. Then, as if to
emphasize his religious faith, he started to read the Shma—“Hear
O Israel, the Lord is our G-d, the Lord is one. He then advised
us to leave the farm village immediately and seek medical
assistance in a nearby town. He promised to arrange the needed
transportation.
A few
hours later, the officer returned and assisted me to a waiting
army truck that stood in front of the farmhouse. Siegfried
managed to walk to the truck and climbed up unassisted. The
officer ordered the waiting truck to take us to Lauenburg in
Pomerania.
Sally
Zielinski Roisman
I was born
on October 2, 1930 in Sosnowiec, Poland to an Orthodox family of
eleven children. I was taken to and worked in a labor camp ,Graben,
near Gross Rosen in 1943. In February 1945, I was transported
after a death march to Bergen Belsen Concentration Camp.
Stricken with typhus, barely alive, I was liberated by the
English army along with my two older sisters, Edja and Mania, to
whom I own my survival. I lost three brothers, two sisters, and
both my parents in the Holocaust.
During the
time after my liberation, we lived in Germany where, because I
had very little schooling being the youngest surviving sibling,
my older brothers and sisters made it possible for me to
continue my education with private tutoring. I studied
mathematics, accounting, English, French and literature. In
1951, we all immigrated to Melbourne, Australia. I worked at
the Australian National Airways as a teletypist. While on a
pleasure trip to Israel and New York, I met my future husband,
Sol Steve Roisman, born in Hartford, Connecticut. While in New
York, I worked for the Dell Publishing Co. in the accounting
department.
Steve and
I married in 1959. We returned to Australia and had two
daughters, Helen and Roslyn. In 1965, we returned to America,
this time to Los Angeles. In 1986, we lost our dear daughter
Helen in an accident. It continues to be extremely hard to
survive the loss of one’s child. Our daughter Roslyn is happily
married and we have a beautiful and intelligent granddaughter,
Nicole, who gives us lots of naches.
I still
cannot resolve my opinions and feelings of man’s inhumanity to
man. And I still cannot comprehend my own strength to be able
to lead a comparably normal life after going through the hell of
Bergen Belsen.
Shortly
before my retirement, I decided to do something only for
myself. I took up painting and took crash courses in order to
advance as fast as possible. I had wonderful teachers at Beverly
Hills Adult School. I painted figuratives, still life, and
biblical images. As painting requires total focus, it helps me
deal with my pain.
Over the
years, I have won several awards from the Pacific Art Guild for
my work. In 2001, I had a one-woman art exhibit at the Westside
Jewish Community Center which was written up in the Los
Angeles Times, the Jewish Journal and the Beverly
Press. One paper said: “What Ann Frank did for literature,
Sally Roisman does with color.” The Beverly Press had a photo
of me with one of my biblical paintings—that of a Rabbi holding
the Torah surrounded by Chassidim. The caption: “Holocaust
survivor paints to help ease the pain.”
I feel I
owe my survival to both my parents who planted a deep spiritual
seed of love, hope, and purpose. I am happy to leave a legacy
not only of sadness but also an impression of hope and beauty
for humanity.
Herbert
Schwarz
Vienna,
Austria
03/03/25
I departed
from Vienna to Riga, Latvia in 1941. I worked in a camp in the
Ghetto in Riga, doing 1,000 jobs until the next stop, Smarden
Torfstechen, a small camp with 200 men and women and 150,000
mosquitoes. Torf was in the swamp region and during normal
times, only prisoners who had committed major crimes were
imprisoned there. It was extra punishment to have 150,000
mosquitoes feeding on you!
I was
taken back to Riga to work at a camp seven days a week, ten
hours a day plus marching and singing to job sites. As the
Russians came closer and closer, one ship—a troop transport—took
3,000 of us to Germany. We arrived in Danzig to be transferred
to Stutthof. But when typhus broke out, whoever could run
boarded a train, cattle-car style, to Buchenwald.
I was
moved to Zeitz and in the winter of 1944 got bombed by Allied
bombers trying to destroy our workplace, which produced gasoline
chemically from coal dust. We were bombed back to Buchenwald
for a death march to reduce the camp with 120,000 men from 32
nations.
We tried
to hide out to wait for Mr. Patton’s 3rd army. After
the death march, there were only 40,000 of us left. The
liberation was quick. Ten tanks came up the mountain and the
German guards ran down the other side—gone like a mirage—and we
were free.
As history
tells us, free in body was not free from years of camp or peace
of mind.
The
consequence of four years of starvation and much anguish, the
new revelation that “you are now the only survivor of a whole
family”—the only member of a family of hundreds of close and far
relatives one did not digest so easily. For four years, the only
driving force was to survive hunger pains 24 hours a day. This
was the job of the day, everyday. This all set in after the
liberation. And where to go? Everybody had his own idea.
I went
back to Vienna, the only logical place to await the return of
whoever else survived, but nobody came.
So in
1949, alone, without money, English, or relatives, I went to
pitch my tent in LA.
Sam
Steinberg
I
was born on September 1, 1928 in Tomaszow, Mazowlecki, Poland. I
was the youngest in a family of five. My older brother, Pesach,
was two years older than me. My sister, Fela, was four years
older.
I lost my
mother and sister on October 30, 1942 to the Treblinka gas
chambers. In 1943, my father Abraham, my brother and I were
sent to a work camp named Blizin in Poland. Pesach became sick
with typhus. Late in 1943, my father died of a broken heart and
starvation.
In the
beginning of 1944, Pesach and I were sent with other inmates to
Auschwitz, where our names became numbers: Pesach became B1839
and I became B1840. After a couple of months, I was transferred
to Birkenau. My fate was more promising than Pesach’s. He was
taken to the gas chambers because of his illness. I was lucky
that I looked like a child and was sent to the children’s
barrack where food was plentiful. This helped me survive the
other two camps, Flossenburg and Oranenburg, where I was forced
to do extensive hard labor in a stone quarry. We all worked in
terrible weather conditions with very little food.
Fearing
the Russians’ approach, the guards loaded us on open freight
wagons and moved us deeper into Germany. Relying on snow and,
if lucky, a piece of bread, we tried to sustain our lives. But
in the middle of April 1945, we were stopped by the Allied
planes. We were removed from the train and started the famous
death march, during which half the people were lost.
I survived
and was liberated by the Americans on April 24, 1945 in Neunburg
Biren, Germany. I was lucky that two other survivors who were
14 years my senior were liberated in the same place and felt
sorry for me. One of the gentlemen, Maurice Praw, had family in
America and was able to leave for the U.S. in May 1946. We
communicated with each other and he convinced me to come to the
U.S. I was able to join him in Los Angeles in August, 1946.
Isabelle Szneer
September 1944
After
two and a half years of hiding, fearing for our lives daily, not
knowing what the next minute may bring us, living in despair,
hoping that we would survive these horrible years of fear and
agony, we’d made it. We survived. We could not believe that
we’d made it. My father, my mother, my sister—we were alive,
the nightmare was over. We were free to go back to our home and
start anew.
At first
we were careful. Was it a dream? Were we really liberated?
What if it turned out that the Germans would mount a new
offensive? What could we do? Where would we go? Luckily it was
true. We could start living as free human beings again.
But then
the tragedies began. Our families and friends were gone,
deported, killed, burned, martyred.
It took
until 1945 for us to find out to what degree we, the Jews, had
suffered. Six million humans were gone.
Isabelle
Szneer nee Lubinewski, Brussels, Belgium.
Sally
Wasser
April
15, 1945 will remain as one of the most memorable days in my
life. It was a moment in time that has lasted a lifetime. I
was the day my sister Rachel and I were liberated from Bergen
Belsen Concentration camp in Germany. My days there were
endless, filled with hunger and little hope, just the basic
human desire to survive and keep close to my sister. There was
no point in even asking why this place existed or what happened
to the life I had known with my wonderful parents and sisters
and brother.
Suddenly
we heard a voice that seemed like an angel coming from above.
The voice spoke in English with a British accent and the sound
resonated throughout the camp. It was Rabbi Hartman, fonder of
the London Synagogue, chaplain of the British troops saying,
“You are all free!” We were not sure what we were hearing. It
was a voice of humanity, something we had not heard for years.
In the
days just before the liberation, there was an unusual routine to
the camp. We were not sent out to do any work. There was no
food, and illness was rampant. We, of course, had no idea what
was going on and that the Germans were losing the war. We only
knew that our situation was becoming worse than the days
before. And then we heard those wonderful words. Survivors who
were lying on the ground, near death, heard those wonderful
words and wanted to stand and reach for the sky in gratitude.
Some actually dropped to their death.
We could
not speak any English, but we desperately wanted to thank those
British soldiers. We did not have gifts, nor any flowers to
present to them. So we found among ourselves one person who
could translate. We finally found our voice and shouted, “Long
live the British army!” What a sight we must have been! Human
skeletons cheering the army.
Rabbi
Hartman tried to feed the hungry, but they were too sick to
eat. There was a lot of dysentery and typhus. My sister Rachel
was one of the more ill. She could not move. Rabbi Hartman
created an emergency clinic. I was chosen to help in this
clinic in the early days of the liberation. This simple act of
helping one another was our first return to civilization—to once
more utilize our minds and energy for the betterment of human
existence rather than just surviving.
Bergen
Belsen was liberated at the same time as other camps. It was a
confusing time. Where should we begin in putting our lives back
in order? Everyone started to dream of seeing loved ones. A few
days after the liberation, a friend had rushed over to me.
“Sally, Sally,” she shouted, “you’re brother is at the gate!”
This was truly a hallucination. I ran like never before. I
hadn’t seen my brother in two and a half years, yet there he
stood on the other side of the barriers, beautifully dressed in
a leather jacket and white scarf, leaning on his bicycle with
his brilliant blue eyes smiling at me. He had been liberated
earlier and had heard that there might be women from his home
town in Bergen Belsen. He traveled with a friend who as a
fellow survivor of forced labor. That friend later became my
beloved husband, Harry Wasser.
Even
though we were all free, life was treacherous in Germany. The
survivors remained in Bergen Belsen, taking over the better
barracks and creating a small city. We started life anew. I was
married in Bergen Belsen. There was no money for gifts, so
everyone brought flowers and all were invited. You could not
imagine that a place of so much horror and death could become a
place of such beauty and celebration.
The most
ironic part of all was that it was in Bergen Belsen, a place
where the Germans tried to annihilate the Jews, that I give
birth to my firstborn, Martin. This was a true tribute to those
who did not survive.
I was
reunited with Rabbi Hartman at the 40th Anniversary
of the Liberation at the Simon Wiesenthal Center in Los
Angeles. I lit the memorial candle with my grandson Jeremy at
my side. We have never forgotten those who perished or the
families we loved so dearly.
Sally
Wasser survived the passing of her husband, Harry Wasser, and
continues to live a fruitful life in Los Angeles along with her
children and grandchildren.
Jenny
Zavatsky
I was in
the Lodz Ghetto, Auschwitz/Birkenau, Stuthof, and the last place
was Dresden, where I worked as a slave laborer. When Dresden
was bombed in February 1945, our factory was bombed too.
We began a
march that lasted until our liberation. We marched every day for
about 30 miles a day and then we slept in barns at different
farms along the way. My mother and sister were with me. One
night, after we’d been walking for two weeks, we awoke, but we
were unable to wake my sister. She had died in her sleep. We
had to leave her there and continue walking. The last week of
the march, my mother got very weak and could not walk anymore.
The Germans now provided some wagons for the sick. I guess the
war was ending, and they wanted to appear human.
One day,
while we were walking, we realized that the Germans had
disappeared. We were close to Prague, Czechoslovakia. In all
the commotion--people shouting we were free—I lost track of the
direction that the wagons had taken. I was separated from my
mother who had been with me all through the war. I was 13 at the
time, and all alone, I thought. But my mother’s friend took me
under her care. We walked to Prague, where the Red Cross located
my mother. She was very ill, but recovered. In fact, she lived
to be 96 and died in January 1995.
From our
family of five, my mother and I were the only survivors. After
Prague, we lived in a displaced persons camp in Landsberg.
There, my mother remarried. Her new husband was also a
survivor; he had lost his wife and seven children.
We waited
in Landsberg for four years to come to the United States. We
immigrated in 1949. My mother and stepfather were married for
40 years. I became his child and he was a Zaddie to my
children. So this is how I was liberated.
Michael
Zelon
My Road
to Freedom
Very
rarely to I think or talk about my life in ghettos and forced
labor camps. Who could imagine, or who would believe the
inhumane suffering I went through? Subconsciously, I suppressed
my incomprehensible experience. Now, I think the time is ripe
to slowly open my gruesome past.
I would
like to share with you my road to freedom. My brother and I were
interned in Czenstochowa HASAG Warta labor camp. On January 10,
1945, we could hear the heavy artillery of the Russian guns. We
felt that our liberation was only a matter of days. Returning
from the factory where I worked, I encountered my German
Meister (supervisor) Anderson, who said, “For us, the sun is
setting; for you, the sun is rising.” I was scared to look in
his eyes.
In the
camp, spirits were high with discussions about our immediate
future. We did not trust the Germans, but there was nothing we
could do. We went rather late to sleep (8 men on a 6-foot-wide
plank bed), to rest for the next factory shift.
Suddenly,
a big commotion erupted in the night. The Germans started
loading inmates into cattle cars for Germany. My younger
brother, Bill and I decided to hide or escape. We started to
investigate the way out. Slowly, under the cover of darkness (it
was about 6 AM), we went into the German administration and
security building with not a living soul in sight. We stumbled
into the mail room full of packages addressed to Germany. We
opened some. I found a new dark suit that fit me perfectly. I
was dressed in an elegant suit with no shirt on my back. We
started moving out.
There was
no guard in front of the building. We ventured into the street
outside the camp. The streets were covered with snow. Some
German soldiers lay dead on the sidewalk. German trucks stood
there, engines running, with no drivers in sight. At the gates
of some of the buildings, we could see Polish residents, so we
asked them, “Where are the Germans? Where are the Russians?”
They directed us southeast, toward the Russians. We felt free
and thought that nothing could happen to us.
After a
while, we saw very short Russian soldiers (Calmuks?) in felt
boots, with machine guns over their shoulders, cautiously
hugging the walls of buildings. Otherwise, the streets were
absolutely empty. Suddenly, from nowhere, a Russian officer on
a horse approached us and commanded us to “Lezeej”—lie
down. We did. The gun in his hand terrified us. Without
questioning us, he said, “You are German spies” (Germanskie
spoiny). Lying in the snow, we tried to explain that we
were Jews (Yevreye) escaping from a forced labor camp.
His reaction was “davai,” to walk in front of him and his
horse. We did.
It was a
long walk. Leaving the city, we found ourselves on a highway.
On one side, one could see little scout planes and on the other
a lot of German POWs behind a wire fence. A few hundred meters
ahead, a number of cars were parked on the highway shoulder. As
we approached, we could see some Russian officers. We were
reported as “German spies” to a very big guy sitting on top of a
car with maps spread all over. To me, he looked like a general.
“So, you
are German spies,” he said.
“No,” we
protested, “We are Jevreye—Jews. We ran away from a
German labor camp.”
He looked
at us with a friendly smile and said in perfect Yiddish, “Ihr
seit Yehudim—you are Jewish.” He continued in Yiddish that
in traveling from Lemberg to Czenstochowa, he did not encounter
one Jew. Then with a friendly gesture, he said, “Now you can go
to your Mame and Tateh for this is a dangerous
front.” With best wishes, he assigned a Russian officer to lead
us out of the danger zone.
And so we
continued our very eventful travel to our home in Plonk, Poland,
to find out about the loss of our young parents and two sisters.
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